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Joe Biden Surprise Visit, Meets President Zelensky

 

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Joe Biden Surprise Visit, Meets President Zelensky

As the world prepares to mark the one-year anniversary of Russia’s brutal invasion of Ukraine, I am in Kyiv today to meet with President Zelenskyy and reaffirm our unwavering and unflagging commitment to Ukraine’s democracy, sovereignty, and territorial integrity.

When Putin launched his invasion nearly one year ago, he thought Ukraine was weak and the West was divided. He thought he could outlast us. But he was dead wrong.

Today, in Kyiv, I am meeting with President Zelenskyy and his team for an extended discussion on our support for Ukraine. I will announce another delivery of critical equipment, including artillery ammunition, anti-armour systems, and air surveillance radars to help protect the Ukrainian people from aerial bombardments. And I will share that later this week, we will announce additional sanctions against elites and companies that are trying to evade or backfill Russia’s war machine. Over the last year, the United States has built a coalition of nations from the Atlantic to the Pacific to help defend Ukraine with unprecedented military, economic, and humanitarian support – and that support will endure.

I also look forward to travelling on to Poland to meet President Duda and the leaders of our Eastern Flank Allies, as well as deliver remarks on how the United States will continue to rally the world to support the people of Ukraine and the core values of human rights and dignity in the UN Charter that unite us worldwide.

Attribution: White House




Price, My bill is to keep people safe from exposure to alcohol harm and violence

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 Senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price

Senator Jacinta Price: The Northern Territory Safe Measures Bill 2023, which has been introduced into the Senate, is a bill that aims to keep all people in the Northern Territory safe in relation to the consumption of alcohol and exposure to alcohol related harm and violence. My bill was drafted in response to calls from vulnerable community members across the Northern Territory and a letter that was dated 9 June, representing nine separate Aboriginal organisations, seeking urgent support from the federal Minister for Indigenous Australians after failed attempts at communicating these concerns with the Northern Territory Fyles government. The Northern Territory government’s response to community cries was followed by neglect and inaction, all justified by accusations that alcohol restrictions were nothing more than race based policies. It was only when the Prime Minister was shamed by a Sydney based radio program that he was prompted to make a fly-in fly-out visit to my home town, which has now resulted in Chief Minister Natasha Fyles having to take back her race-baiting words and backflip on her vehemently held position, forcing her to create half-baked policy on the run.

Senators, I plead with you to help me save the lives of those I love and those I’m democratically elected to represent and whose lives we are all responsible for. I seek your bipartisan support to make my hometown community and vulnerable communities throughout the Northern Territory safer. If we can save one woman from becoming the next domestic violence or homicide statistic, we are winning. If we can prevent one child from being sexually abused and left with a venereal disease or internal physical and psychological scarring for life, that is one child. But I know we can do better than this.

The last few months have been distressing and traumatising for so very many, not just within my own family but for families throughout the Northern Territory. In the lead-up to Christmas, I was grateful to have the opportunity to spend the last few days of my cousin Regina Napaljarri France’s life by her side in the palliative care unit of Alice Springs. My cousin, only one year older than I am, who never bore children of her own, loved and nurtured other children in our family whose own parents could not care for them because they were either dead, incarcerated or suffering from alcohol or substance abuse. My cousin lived her entire life in a town camp, and it is my firm belief that this life lived in a hellhole contributed to her bad health. But it was in the last few months, when alcohol was reintroduced in her town camp, that her health took a steep decline ending in her early death. She was no drinker, and nor did she smoke. Before the Intervention, she witnessed the early death of my uncle, her father, when one morning he failed to wake up after a long night of drinking. My uncle was not violent but a man who loved us all very deeply. He was, however, an alcoholic. My cousin’s brother was the same. He was a quietly spoken man who always carried an affectionate, warm smile, but she witnessed his life end far too early because he too was powerless to the bottle.

My cousin’s mother, left with heartbreak and ill health and regularly undergoing renal dialysis, now has the responsibility of raising the adopted granddaughter left behind. My cousin’s adopted daughter, also my niece, had already lost three of her mothers, including her biological mother, before losing my cousin. In our Warlpiri kinship structure, your mother’s sisters are also regarded as your own mothers. Her biological mother was killed in her mid-30s when she was mown down in an alcohol fuelled domestic violence attack by her father. One of her mother’s sisters died of alcohol abuse at the age of 28. She simply drank herself to death in the same town camp, before the intervention. Another of her mothers was killed, as a passenger, in an alcohol related car crash. The driver crashed the car after her drunken husband punched her in the back of her head while she was driving. My cousin was the only one to die in that crash. My husband accompanied me while I identified her body in the morgue.

Our family remember all too clearly the horrific conditions in town camps before alcohol restrictions. So I could understand when my 42-year-old cousin told me on Christmas Day that she was at peace and happy to say goodbye to the world of the living. I could not be angry at her for wanting to leave us all behind. Life in her town camp had become absolutely unbearable again with alcohol flowing back in. So, when I speak to this bill and stand here as an Indigenous voice in parliament, I am deeply offended when it is suggested by others in this chamber that my actions are nothing more than political grandstanding. My cousin is now at peace, and my family is heartbroken, but my family is not the only family that is. The uncle of Alena Kukla, whose life was taken at the hands of her violent partner, along with her baby, told me he marks the day alcohol was introduced to the very same day that she was killed. So, again, I ask your support, in a bipartisan manner, my colleagues, to protect our most vulnerable Australians.

The bill will introduce elements specific to reducing alcohol consumption and related harm, applied in the Stronger Futures in the Northern Territory Act 2012, which ceased in 2022. The bill will put in place alcohol restrictions that will include declaration of alcohol protected areas and the development of alcohol management plans, which will provide that supply of alcohol is regulated, mitigating illegal alcohol supply and providing a legal framework for prosecution.

When dealing with addiction, the first step to management and recovery is acknowledging there is a problem. And those that are subject to the effects of addiction in the Northern Territory—the whole community—have been crying out that we have a problem since the cessation of the measures and the lifting of alcohol restrictions in the Stronger Futures in the Northern Territory Act.

The bill makes provision for equitable consultation to take place in relation to alcohol protection measures to ensure that men, women, consumers of alcohol, nonconsumers of alcohol, addiction experts and the Northern Territory Liquor Commission are all involved. The introduction of a requirement for an expert committee to support the development of each alcohol management plan will provide that measures designed to reduce alcohol related harm and to improve the quality of life are realised, such as monitoring school attendance and rates of alcohol related assaults.

The need for the introduction of the bill has been demonstrated through the increased rates of crime, alcohol related domestic violence and alcohol related assaults. Alcohol related assaults in Alice Springs alone have risen from December 2021 to December 2022 by 54.6 per cent, and property damage has increased by 59.6 per cent.

The removal of income management measures of the cashless debit card has increased the availability of obtaining alcohol to those vulnerable to alcoholism, and there has not been sufficient analysis of the impact of the removal of this important measure, but we can see it through our own eyes.

The Australian government has a responsibility to ensure that the Northern Territory has consistency in law and order, and that punitive approaches are not taken by the Northern Territory government that do not address the broader context of addiction and alcohol related harm.

For a decade the Australian government has intensely invested in the Northern Territory to address significant levels of need, specifically to improve the quality of life for Aboriginal Territorians. The management of alcohol consumption and the reduction of alcohol related harm were not realised within this period of time. This bill will set a framework of accountability for alcohol management plans to be developed, with alcohol restrictions in place to protect our vulnerable communities.

I have developed this bill over several months in conjunction with community consultation with relevant stakeholders that include drug and alcohol services, Aboriginal health services, legal services, education institutions, businesspeople, community members both remote and in major towns, and town camp residents. Chief Minister Natasha Fyles sent me a letter just yesterday claiming that I had not consulted her. I reminded her of my letter dated from October outlining my intentions in the draft of this bill and extending an invitation to sit with me and to understand what this might entail. I’ve had no response to that correspondence.

My bill seeks to establish a federal and Territory government partnership to address alcohol-related harm. The Territory government, which is predominantly dependent on federal funding, will have a role in overseeing the process of developing alcohol management plans, while the federal government will be responsible for approving those management plans and reviewing the measures through the Senate committee process and will have the power to revoke approvals of alcohol management plans should they demonstrate that they are not ensuring the safety of Territorians.

It is not good enough that the Chief Minister of the Northern Territory requires the Prime Minister to step in, for them to realise that they got it dreadfully wrong—at the cost of lives lost and the devastation that addiction has unleashed on our communities. We are hurting, and it is disingenuous to provide ad hoc approaches and not take full responsibility for the sake of every Territorian. Senate colleagues, I’m asking you to take full responsibility with me.

THE SENATE PROOF BILLS

Northern Territory Safe Measures Bill 2023

Speaker: Senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price

Attribution: Parliament of Australia website

 

 

Bandt MP, Freezing rent increases and doubling Commonwealth rent assistance

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Adam Bandt MP
Photo screenshot Parliament of Australia


Mr Band
t (Australian Greens) I rise to speak on the Housing Australia Future Fund Bill 2023 and the associated bills. I’m lucky enough, in Melbourne, to have the electorate that has the highest number of public housing residents, from the last time we looked at the statistics. In that electorate, one of the things we deal with day after day, in our office, is people who can’t get into public housing, who have been on the waiting list for years and who are told, even though they’re homeless, even though they’re couch surfing, even though they might be women just about to give birth, there is no place for them in public housing. When you look at the rental market, you find there is zero chance of renting near your family or your friends or where you work or study because rents in the private market have grown seven times faster than wages. People are in crisis.

When you’re faced with this housing crisis, where you can’t get into public housing because governments haven’t built public housing and where you can’t get into the private market because rents are going through the roof, it takes a particular kind of genius to come up with a policy that will see the waiting list longer at the end than it is now. We’ve got a shortage at the moment of 640,000 social and affordable homes in this country—a shortage that is set to grow by 75,000 in five years—and a proposal that says we’re supposedly going to finance the construction of 30,000 over five years, which means the shortage of affordable and social housing will continue to grow under this policy. This policy is one that bakes in the problem getting worse.

It’s not even a promise to spend money on housing. This is a gamble of $10 billion of public money being put into the stock market in the hope that some of that might find its way back into building housing. It’s not a $10 billion investment in housing; it’s a $10 billion gamble on the stock market with a spending cap on housing. We’ve heard from the government that somehow this is going to result in $500 million a year. What people need to know is what the government is doing is taking public money, putting it over for a gamble on the stock market and hoping that that generates some money to be spent on public housing. Last year, if this proposal had gone ahead, it would have actually lost money; the investment in the future fund would have actually lost money. There is no requirement in this legislation that a dollar be spent per year on social and affordable housing. If money is made after gambling on the stock market, then it may come in. Last year there were zero dollars. It was negative; it made a loss. Separately, in a time of crisis they’ve put a cap on how much they’re going to spend. Even if the fund makes a greater return, they’ve limited how much they’re going to spend. And it’s not even indexed. In other words, even if more money is made available, they’ve locked in a steady decline, a steady cut, on how much will be spent on social and affordable housing.

Spending on social and affordable housing and building new public housing in this country shouldn’t be dependent on the whims of the stock market. Imagine if we did that with schools and hospitals. Imagine if the government said: ‘I’m sorry. We can’t find funds to build new public schools this year because the stock market made a loss.’ There would be an outcry, and rightly so. Spending on public, social and affordable housing should be treated the same way as spending on public schools and on public health. We need a mind shift in this country where the government says, ‘Whether you find a roof over your head isn’t dependent on whether the stock market has made money this year; it is a basic right.’ The government shouldn’t come to the parliament in a time of crisis and say, ‘We want a cap on how much we’re going to spend on social and affordable housing.’

There is a massive problem here, including for renters, but there’s nothing in here for renters in the private market, who are seeing rents grow by seven times as much as wages. There’s nothing in here. The government has failed to understand that a shift has gone on in Australian society. Now more people are renting and they are finding it impossible to get a place to rent near where they work or study. There’s nothing in here to address out-of-control spiralling rents. We need to start taking seriously the position that renters find themselves in. Renters need to stop being treated like second-class citizens and ignored by governments. It is time for more rights for renters, but there’s nothing in this package for renters.

Freezing rent increases and doubling Commonwealth rent assistance would go a huge way to relieving the stress that renters find themselves in. The government has brought forward a bill that says that at the end of the bill, if the bill is implemented, the problem will be worse and the gap will be bigger than it is now. It ignores renters. The government has nothing for renters who find themselves in crisis right now. What does the government have for renters who are watching spiralling rents and can’t find a secure roof over their head? Zero; there is zero in these bills for renters right now.

The opposition have said no to these bills, but we’re saying to the government, ‘Do better.’ We’re saying to the government, ‘Put some real money into housing and guarantee that it is going to flow so that we start to make the problem better, not worse, as these bills are proposing to do.’ We’re saying to the government: ‘Do better for renters. Double Commonwealth rent assistance. Work to freeze rents across the country for the next two years, like happened in some places during the pandemic.’ During the pandemic, governments, including in Victoria, understood that we were in a crisis. There is now a rental crisis that people are facing. The government needs to step in and stop rents spiralling out of control.

With over 20 per cent of First Nations people living in overcrowded homes, a $1 billion capital investment will help address the shocking inequality in housing outcomes in this country. That could be part of what the government is putting forward. Ultimately, the Greens are fighting on behalf of the millions of people that this bill leaves behind. Whether they’re homeless, whether they’re stuck on public or social housing waiting lists or whether they’re struggling to pay the rent, we will fight to make sure that Labor does not forget them, because at the moment they are not helped by this bill.

So the opposition will say no and the Greens will say: ‘Do better. Have something in this bill that addresses the real crisis that renters find themselves in. Let’s look at First Nations housing. Let’s make sure we spend some real money, not just have a gamble on the stock market and then cap how much is going to be spent and, in some years, spend nothing at all.’ These are real proposals that will help fix the problem, not see the problem get worse. That is the fundamental problem with the approach the government is taking: if this bill is passed as it is, the problem will get worse than it is now. The problem will be worse than it is now at the end of the next few years.

People are looking to members of this parliament to work together to fix the massive rental crisis that people are in, not to pass a policy that bakes in the problem getting worse. We’ll continue to work with the government over the coming weeks to make this better, because people need it to be better. Renters need it to be better, First Nations communities need it to be better—everyone who is struggling to afford to put a roof over their head needs this government to do better.

Chamber: House of Representatives

Item: BILLS – Housing Australia Future Fund Bill 2023, National Housing Supply and Affordability Council Bill 2023, Treasury Laws Amendment (Housing Measures No. 1) Bill 2023 – 
Speaker: Bandt, Adam Paul MP



Attribution Parliament of Australia Website

Biden Inflation in America is continuing to come down

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Joe Biden
Photo YouTube

Joe Biden Inflation in America is continuing to come down, which is good news for families and businesses across the country. Today’s data confirm that annual inflation has fallen for seven straight months. Inflation for food at the grocery store came down again last month. Gas prices are down about $1.60 from their peak last year. And real wages for working Americans are up over the last seven months, delivering welcome breathing room for American families. We are seeing this progress even as unemployment remains at its lowest level since 1969 and job growth remains resilient.  


There is still more work to do as we make this transition to more steady, stable growth, and there could be setbacks along the way. That is why my unwavering focus is on continuing to lower costs for families, rebuild our supply chains, and invest in America. Right now, because of the Inflation Reduction Act we passed last year, we are lowering prescription drug costs, health care costs, and home energy costs for tens of millions of Americans all while lowering our deficits. My administration is eliminating junk fees which make it harder for American families to make ends meet at the end of the month. And we are creating manufacturing jobs all across the country, which will lower costs and rebuild our supply chains.


Unfortunately, many of my Republican friends in Congress seem intent on taking us in the opposite direction. They have proposed repealing the Inflation Reduction Act, which would make inflation worse, shower billions of dollars on Big Pharma, and increase the deficit. They are threatening to raise costs for seniors by threatening to cut Medicare and Social Security, and other critical programs that American seniors and families count on. And some are threatening to default on the full faith and credit of the U.S., which would raise costs and create economic chaos. I will stand firmly against any effort to make inflation worse and increase costs for families. Today’s data reinforces that we have made historic progress and are on the right track, and now we need to finish the job.  


Attribution:  Whitehouse.gov under the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License.

Senator Thorpe for the grassroots black sovereign movement

 

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Lidia Thorpe
Photo YouTube

Senator Lidia Thorpe: I rise today as a senator for the grassroots black sovereign movement, a movement that has existed in this country for tens of thousands of generations. It’s a movement that I was raised in, and a movement that my children and grandchildren are being raised in.

Sovereignty has never been ceded in this country. The generations of staunch black activists who came before me fought not for themselves but for the continuation and survival of the oldest culture on this planet, and for the generations to inherit their cultural birthright that is sovereignty unceded. Sovereignty may seem like a new and uncomfortable concept within the walls of this building because this place was built with a vision that my sovereign body would never walk a foot in here and that my ancestors’ stories of fight, of pain and of survival would not survive the war this building declared on them, on us and on me. Well, I stand here to declare that we are still here. We are here, and I’m proud to be guided by black excellence! (Time expired)

Attributed to the Parliament of Australia website. 

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Premier Palaszczuk Speech – Path to Treaty

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Premier Annastacia Palaszczuk
Photo YouTube

Palaszczuk: It’s not something I generally promote or practice, but, buried in my distant past, I am, in fact, a lawyer.

And buried in Australia’s past are some very troubling matters in law.

Especially when it comes to Treaty.

I first read the historian Henry Reynolds’ books while studying documents relating to our colonial history in the British Library in London.

I was reading court documents I had not read or even heard of at school in Australia.

I have never forgotten what I discovered.

Deep in these documents were directions from the British Colonial Office to “make Treaties.”

Reynolds points out the contradiction of the British treatment of indigenous peoples in Canada, Northern America and New Zealand with what happened in Australia.

In those countries, the possession of lands by First Nations peoples was recognised and was negotiated.

There were Treaties between the Crown and the peoples of those nations.

Some were better than others.

The British Colonial office had insisted on them especially following the Tasmanian massacres but no Treaty was ever entered into here.

The question is, why?

The right to property is a basic tenant of British law.

As we Australians know, even the theft of a loaf of bread back in the day could result in the most extreme of punishments ensuring a one-way passage to Australia.

So how, Reynolds argues, do we explain the theft of an entire country?

He found that the British had relied on a description from Joseph Banks during Cook’s expedition of ‘an unoccupied, sparsely populated land.’

This notion of an unoccupied land was upheld in court cases and Privy Council rulings all through the 1800s despite much evidence to the contrary coming from Australia.

It suited the times.

And we remained  ‘terra nullius’ until Eddie Koiki Mabo and the landmark High Court ruling decided differently in 1992.

Again, I read the judgement in another library, this time at the University of Queensland as a law student.

As Premier I have had the deep honour to visit Eddie Koiki Mabo’s resting place to pay my respects to a man who fought for his rights and his people.

Reynolds is not everyone’s cup of tea but I think we can agree, Australia was not empty when the First Fleet arrived and there is no evidence Aboriginal and Torres Strait islander peoples gave up their lands willingly.

Reynolds contends a one-sided war raged whose atrocities and crimes on both sides were recorded and remarked upon at the time.

The idea of Treaty, then, is not new.

In fact, there is evidence colonists argued often for a Treaty.

George Arthur, Governor of Tasmania, begged the then Colonial Office to establish Treaties.

It was ‘a fatal error’ he said not to have one.

He was ignored.

When John Bateman first settled at Port Phillip, he made an attempt to buy the land from Aboriginal people. The NSW Governor quashed it in October 1835.

In 1836, Colonel PC Irwin of the Swan River colony that became Perth said “Treaties should be negotiated between the parties as a measure of healing and pacification.”

He too was ignored.

Treaties have been established over centuries and provide people of those nations, like New Zealand, a shared sense of identity and pride that we should have too.

But all efforts to establish one in this country have died in a desert of ignorance and indifference where they have stayed for more than 200 years.

Well I am here to tell you, friends, that ends now.

Next week, I will introduce to Parliament, legislation that will enshrine a Treaty with Queensland Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples forever.

It establishes:

  • The First Nations Treaty Institute and outlines its powers, functions and composition
  • A five-member Truth Telling and Healing Inquiry which has elements of a Commission of Inquiry but is customised to have a culturally appropriate, non-adversarial approach

It builds on the Path to Treaty we embarked upon together that includes:

  • A $300 million Path to Treaty fund guaranteeing at least $10 million a year for the institute
  • Formation of the Interim Truth and Treaty body to co-design the Path to Treaty legislation and
  • Establishment of a path to treaty office, government treaty readiness committee and Ministerial Consultative Committee to build capacity across government agencies.

We are serious and we are determined.

As we all know, a Story is everything.

For tens of thousands of years, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have told their stories.

The process of ‘Truth Telling’ is a way for us to use Story – to deeply understand our past, to acknowledge the enormous hurt, pain and suffering but, most importantly to build a better future together.

It is important to acknowledge that we have been brought to this moment only because we have been carried on the backs and shoulders of giants too numerous for me to mention today.

There are also those whose names history may not record.

But we must never forget.

All the aunties and uncles.

The cousins and families.

The countless thousands removed from their homes and subjected to innumerable cruelties.

Stolen wages. Forced adoptions. Deaths.

These people are gone. But their stories remain.

To the eminent panels and working groups whose work has led us to this moment: our profound and grateful thanks.

This includes former Treaty Advancement Committee Members

  • Mr Mick Gooda;
  • Emeritus Professor Michael Lavarch; and
  • Sallyanne Atkinson AO.

A further seven members were also selected to join the body, following a statewide expression of interest process:

  • Dr Bianca Beetson;
  • Ms Seleena Blackley;
  • Mr Aaron Fa’Aoso;
  • Ms Marg O’Donnell;
  • Mr Ray Rosendale;
  • Ms Natalie Siegel-Brown; and
  • Ms Cheryl Buchanan.

I thank you all for your work.

It is a source of great personal pride to me and the Labor Party that our government includes so many MPs with First Nations heritage including the first Aboriginal woman ever elected to the Queensland parliament and appointed to the Cabinet Leeanne Enoch, the first woman ever elected from the Torres Strait Cynthia Lui and Lance McCallum, a proud Gubbi Gubbi man and Member for Bundamba.

I will never forget the embrace, or the tears of joy shared when we gathered to sign a Statement of Commitment with Aboriginal peoples and Torres Strait Islander peoples on the Speakers Green last August.

As the statement says, this journey is not for the timid.

But each generation is called to face its challenge.

And its opportunity.

I believe this is ours.

We have the chance to finish unfinished business.

To put wrongs right.

To finally come together as one, united State, with mutual respect and absolute dignity for our diverse cultures and identities.

As the Uluru Statement from the Heart says: ‘a fuller expression of Australia’s nationhood.’

Friends, none of us pretends the months ahead will be easy.

Each State must confront their own pasts.

As a nation, now is the time to recognise Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in our Constitution.

And a Voice to be heard.

It is an opportunity we cannot waste.

The Path to Treaty signals to the rest of Australia and to other nations that Queensland is ready and willing to confront that past and to listen to the painful stories that need to be told.

But we cannot right the wrongs, without recognising those wrongs. We must look deep within our hearts, and acknowledge the discrimination and the prejudice that our First Nations people were subjected to.

200 years ago there were over 250 indigenous languages in Australia. Now only sixty of those languages are considered healthy.

We listen in awe and wonder to the stories of the dreaming, in the knowledge that these same stories have been told on our lands for 60,000 years.

This is the shared heritage we want to showcase to the world when we host the 2032 Olympic and Paralympic Games.

Our Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander heritage is unique.

It is a gift to all Australians and to the world.

And we have this opportunity to change our story and walk together into a much brighter tomorrow.

That is what we hope to achieve through the Treaty process.

To mark the end of one chapter and begin another.

So no Australian child in the future needs to be surprised about all that they will learn about our past.

To quote Oodgeroo Noonuccal:

To our father’s fathers – the pain, the sorrow

To our children’s children – the glad tomorrow.”

Such is the power of the story.

If we have the courage to tell it.

Respectfully and together

Premier and Minister for the Olympic and Paralympic Games
Source: The Honourable Annastacia Palaszczuk State of Queensland

Senator Payman I’d like to see more educational school visits

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Senator Fatima Payman ALP
Photo Parliament Screenshot

Senator Fatima Paymen  As a 27-year-old and as the youngest member of the 47th Parliament, my commitment to empowering the voices of young Australians is unquestionable. It is important that young people understand the power of their democratic right to vote in a country like Australia, when there are so many examples around the world where this right has been diminished. The assurance that the value of one person’s vote is no different to that of another is something we cannot take for granted.

Speaking to fellow young people in Western Australia, I am always inspired by their passion for a better world. At the election in May this year, they knew there had to be a change to safeguard their future, and a change is what they got. Their voices are being heard by this government. Since being elected, we took immediate action on climate change, something young people are so passionate about and have been calling for for years. This restored our reputation on the world stage.

We’ve made TAFE more accessible and we’ve campaigned for wage increases and job security, so young people in our country can confidently support themselves whilst they’re studying or saving for their first home or to travel the globe. These are real changes that young people need, and we are delivering. The Albanese Labor government is a government young people can be certain has their back, now and always, unlike what they have known for most of their lives under those on the other side. We have an incredible Minister for Youth in Dr Anne Aly, who is working tirelessly to engage with young people, for young people. I will always work in this place to increase enfranchisement, education and information about electoral matters so that young people understand the importance of our democracy.

With this in mind, now is not the time to lower the voting age without the proper consideration of Australia’s electoral landscape. But it is time to consider practical ways of engaging with our youth and young people, to educate, empower and promote the democratic rights and freedoms we have as Australians. Some of these ideas are already in place and practised, while others are less frequent but just as important. I’d like to see more educational school visits, discussing with students their curriculum of humanities and social sciences, and how the theory they learn has practical implications on parliamentary operations, processes and procedures. I’d like to see more young people invited to roundtables about matters of importance to them. This will enable us to listen—to truly listen—to the challenges that are unique to our nation’s youth and to brainstorm solutions constructively. It would also allow them to contribute towards the decision-making processes of legislation that will impact on their lives in the years to come.

I would like to see more invitations extended to young people to visit parliaments across our states and territories, or to shadow their member of parliament for a day or a week to understand and witness the hectic schedules of parliamentarians and to appreciate the behind-the-scenes work that we do. I would also like to see more young people involved in youth organisations, university clubs and Young Labor, for the people in my home state of Western Australia, which welcome young people of all ages and ensure they understand the political system before a ballot paper is shoved in their faces and they’re asked to vote.

I believe in making informed decisions and being well-versed when casting my vote to elect a government that shares my values and which will implement policies for the greater good of all Australians—a government that is inclusive, progressive, responsible and compassionate. Labor has always been the party of meaningful electoral reform which creates a transparent and accessible electoral system. Future discussions about this issue in the context of Australia’s democracy is something we are open to. But, as our electoral system exists today, young Australians are being represented in this parliament.

Attributed to the Parliament of Australia website. 







Blow the Truth Alternative Media is back

 

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Blow the Truth Alternative Media is back

We have been shadow Banned for two years by Social Media Giants, We have been released.
Publishing Alternative Media is back Again.
I just need to fix up some Technical stuff and The Real News will be back hopefully this week.

Why is Austin Butler still speaking in his Elvis voice? It could be a case of ‘role spill’

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Austin Butler (ELVIS) Warner Bros. Pictures

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If you’ve seen any of the videos or interviews with Austin Butler at the recent Golden Globes you may have noticed he still sounds a bit like Elvis. In fact, many people have noted that despite being from California, he still sounds like he’s from the Deep South.

For actors, learning a new accent is incredibly demanding. Accent assimilation is a rigorous process that often requires listening deeply to archive material, documentaries, movies and interviews and observing linguistic details.

Austin Butler in his role as Elvis shows how an actor must be acutely responsive to the specifics of an accent, role, script style and demands of the film.

The actor works with a dialect coach, starting months or years before filming. The coach provides source recordings (a real person, for example, Elvis) and an accent breakdown. The actor will listen to the sound samples at every opportunity for total immersion.

Significant practice and repetition are needed to integrate a new accent. Coaching includes layering all the elements to give an accent a solid foundation, slowly building from words to sentences, with the dialect coach providing continuous feedback until the actor is speaking in accent easily and consistently.

A little less conversation a little more action

In cases where an actor is portraying an iconic figure, such as Elvis, there is huge responsibility to be convincing in the role. This can lead to actors staying in-accent for many months or years.

Examples of performers in this situation include Jamie Foxx as Ray Charles, Natalie Portman as Jackie Kennedy, Meryl Streep as Julia Child, and Ben Kingsley as Gandhi.

British actor Idris Elba told the Guardian it took moving to New York and three years of practising to get his American accent believable for his role in The Wire.

Australian actor Nicole Kidman when rehearsing for Nine Perfect Strangers would stay in accent all day, including at home with her family. Over five months the actors she was working with did not hear her Australian accent until the day filming ended.

US actor Forest Whitaker, when faced with the challenge of Idi Amin’s accent in The Last King of Scotland, admitted he practised even when he wasn’t on set in an effort to stay immersed in the character.

There was one time into rehearsals that I dropped it because I had to go down and meet all the dignitaries, and it took me days to get it back. I was so frightened because I was there a month before and I was like, ‘this is not going to happen again, I am not going to lose this character’.

What is role spill?

Actors who live the part of a role, integrating accent, body, imagination and feelings may, post-production, experience role spill. This is known in the acting community as boundary-blurring: when the actor is finding it difficult to separate themselves from the character they’re playing and blurring the lines between professional and private roles.

Your voice is a direct expression of who you are and your experiences. The fusing of personal identity with characters is crucial to the craft of an actor. However, some actors can lose their “idiolect” (their individual way of speaking) and can retain features of accents they may have used for their character.

An actor that completely loses himself in a role is Gary Oldman. Originally from South London, but having spent many years living in America, he has had to relearn his English accent for a film character in Tinker, Tailor, Soldier, Spy.

Margot Robbie told Grazia magazine that during filming I, Tonya, she “genuinely thought” a conversation she was having with fellow actor Sebastian Stan who played Tonya’s abusive husband, was real. The feelings and emotions can become so intensive they felt like the actor’s own.

De-roling

The term de-roling refers to a technique which is thought to have originated within drama therapy and psychodrama to assist the actor in “disrobing” or letting go of certain physical character traits that are not their own once they finish performing.

It’s a process that can help actors shed intense emotions or characters, and it’s crucial to the health of an artist. This can be done by shaking out the body and doing physical activities such as jumping and running on the spot to shake off the character. In addition to this, it can include taking deep breaths and vocal exercises including humming to release vocal fold tension and let go of negative emotions. In theatre, the ensemble or cast can agree to de-role together before leaving the theatre.

It can be difficult to de-role for an actor who has invested significant commitment to a successful transformation of accent, body and character. It can take months for an actor to feel they have let the character go, especially if they felt a strong synergy and connection with the character.

Speaking about her role as Mare Sheehan in the crime series Mare of Easttown, Kate Winslet explained “it was the hardest thing to let go of” and “she got under my skin…”

Once an actor moves on to a new project or spends time with close friends and family they may revert back to how they sounded before – or maybe not. Varying your speech sounds is not likely to affect an actor’s work opportunities in the future – arguably the more fluid you sound the better.

Luzita Fereday, Lecturer in Voice at the Western Australian Academy of Performing Arts., Edith Cowan University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.




Ford Capri 1971

Ford Capri 1971 V8
Ford Capri 1971 V8

Production of the Capri began in November 1968 (according to Jeremy Walton‘s 1987 book Capri – The Development & Competition History of Ford’s European GT Car and the FIA, Recognition No. 5301) at Ford’s Halewood plant in the UK, and on 16 December 1968 at the Cologne plant in West Germany. It was unveiled in January 1969 at the Brussels Motor Show, with sales starting the following month. The intention was to reproduce in Europe the success Ford had had with the North American Ford Mustang: to produce a European pony car. It was mechanically based on the Cortina and built in Europe at the Halewood plant in the United Kingdom, the Genk plant in Belgium, and the Saarlouis and Cologne plants in Germany. The car was named Colt during its development stage, but Ford was unable to use the name, for it was trademarked by Mitsubishi. The name Capri comes from the Italian island and this was the second time Ford had used the name, the previous model being the Ford Consul Capri, often just known as the Capri in the same way the Ford Consul Cortina and Ford Consul Classic rarely used the “Consul” in everyday use (the Ford Consul Cortina was officially renamed Ford Cortina in 1964).

Although a fastback coupé, Ford wanted the Capri Mk I to be affordable for a broad spectrum of potential buyers. To help achieve that, it was available with a variety of engines. The British and German factories produced different line-ups. The continental model used the Ford Taunus V4 engine in 1.3, 1.5 and 1.7 L engine displacements, while the British versions were powered by the Ford Kent straight-four in 1.3 and 1.6 L form. The Ford Essex V4 engine 2.0 L (British built) and Cologne V6 2.0 L (German built) served as initial range-toppers. At the end of the year, new sports versions were added: the 2300 GT in Germany, using a double-barrel carburettor with 125 PS (92 kW), and in September 1969 the 3000 GT in the UK, with the Essex V6, capable of 138 hp (103 kW).

Under the new body, the running gear was very similar to the 1966 Cortina. The rear suspension employed a live axle supported on leaf springs with short radius rods. MacPherson struts were featured at the front in combination with rack and pinion steering (sourced from the Ford Escort) which employed a steering column that would collapse in response to a collision. Wikipedia